Transition to Governing, 2

Preparing for Trump II: Four revealing selections

In this post:

1. Stefanik as UN Ambassador speaks volumes

2. Miller as DCoS is two signals

3. Zeldin at EPA raises some administrative-state questions

4. Homan as “border czar” raises the same questions

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Trump II named four senior officials early yesterday. All are famously loyal to Mr. Trump. That’s the most obvious takeaway. Two will be focused on immigration—Trump’s team is clearly signaling the importance of that issue with these early picks. All four have some governing experience, which is obviously of interest to this column. But I’m not going to focus on any of that today. The most interesting story is what these picks tell us now—and will tell us later—about Mr. Trump’s vision.

The Symbolism of Stefanik’s Selection

Rep. Elise Stefanik has been offered the coveted UN ambassadorship. Though she was an early and tough critic of Trump, she gradually became a loyalist. And a pugnacious one at that. That style of loyalty, which Trump loves, has been rewarded.

This nomination probably ends her possible path to the House speakership. But it may lead to other, even larger governing roles down the line. It’s a terrific platform, and it provides international experience—and potentially international credibility. Stefanik’s star continues to rise.

The position doesn’t mean much for domestic governing in the traditional sense; i.e., the UN ambassador isn’t involved in stateside housing or transportation issues. But you can learn A LOT about a president by whom he chooses. This official speaks to the world on behalf of America. This official tells the world what kind of world America wants. That’s a bit different than the secretary of state, who is our chief diplomat and often negotiates out of the spotlight, typically trying to calm waters. The UN ambassador often leans forward, saying more than less, and articulating far and wide who we are.

Often the person filling this role is known for his/her big brain and/or titanium backbone (like Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Jeane Kirkpatrick, John Bolton). Often they reflect the president’s disposition and worldview (Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. for Eisenhower; Madeleine Albright and Richard Holbrooke for Clinton; John Danforth for George W. Bush; Samantha Power and Susan Rice for Obama). Often they are among the most talented public servants of their eras (e.g. George H. W. Bush for Nixon; Arthur Goldberg and Adlai Stevenson for Kennedy-Johnson).

The Trump-era Elise Stefanik is tough. She’s not afraid to mix things up. She also seems to see and love America like Trump does: As a powerful, righteous nation that should be endlessly proud of its countless accomplishments and unapologetic about its dominant place in the world. So while her loyalty is key, I suspect her simpatico sensibilities sealed the deal for this position.

I can imagine Trump watching Stefanik defending him in committee hearings or aggressively questioning the presidents of Harvard, MIT, and Penn, and saying to himself, “We need Stefanik speaking on behalf of America internationally.”